112. The Church and communism in France.

We have seen how the Italian bishops have moved from active resistance to abdication in regard to communism. The transition brought the Italian Church to the point the French Church had already reached previously when its bishops proclaimed that Christians could take any political course compatible with their own consciences. Since this book is not a history of the Catholic social movement, I will assume my readers are aware of the general history of that movement in France before the council, and I will confine my remarks to commenting on the French bishops’ document sur son dialogue avec les militants chrétiens qui ont fait Voption socialiste."16

112. 法国教会与共产主义

我们已经看到意大利主教是如何从积极抵制共产主义转变为放弃抵制共产主义的。这一转变使意大利教会达到了法国教会之前已经达到的地步，当时法国主教宣布基督徒可以采取任何符合自己良知的政治路线。由于本书不是天主教社会运动的历史，我将假定我的读者了解法国在梵二会议之前天主教社会运动的一般历史，我的发言将仅限于评论法国主教的文件：“关于其与选择社会主义路线的基督徒的对话”16。

The very form of the document constitutes an abdication of the bishops’ authority to teach, direct and give orders. It is designed merely “to echc,” and leave intact, the opinions of a working class that is assumed to be a homogeneous whole. The Catholic social movement is entirely ignored.

该文件的形式本身就构成了放弃主教教导、指导和下达命令的权力。它的目的仅仅是 “唤醒 ”并保留工人阶级的意见，而工人阶级被假定为一个同质的整体。天主教的社会运动完全被忽视了。

 It is impossible to disguise the difference between this style and that of the papal documents we have referred to in the preceding section. The bishops’ document contains various propositions taken from “Christian workers,” who are all assumed to be communists, but no rebuttal or counter statement except an occasional oblique and ambiguous remark. The document is designed to help pro-communist Christians “from within” their spiritual situation, as if the heart of Christianity somehow lay concealed within their own opinions and merely needed bringing out; and as if pastoral help could never involve any opposition in principle to their views, or any possible renunciation of errors on their part, in short, a conversion. Linked with this outlook, the document contains a confusion between “the action of the Holy Spirit” and workers’ agitation;17 the communist movement, which is perfectly explicable by the ordinary historical forces that drive events, is taken as one of those movements that result from the supernatural impulses of the Holy Spirit:"18 in short the document turns the social struggles of the age into a religious phenomenon.

这种风格与我们在上一节中提到的教宗文件的风格之间的差异是无法掩饰的。主教们的文件包含了从 “基督徒工人 ”那里获得的各种主张，而这些工人都被认为是共产主义者，但除了偶尔的含糊其辞之外，没有任何反驳或反驳声明。这份文件旨在 “从内部 ”帮助亲共产主义的基督徒，似乎基督教的核心就隐藏在他们自己的观点中，只需要把它拿出来；似乎牧灵帮助永远不会涉及原则上反对他们的观点，也不会涉及他们可能放弃的错误，简而言之，就是改变信仰。与这种观点相联系的是，这份文件混淆了 “圣神的行动 ”和工人的骚动；17“共产主义运动完全可以用推动事件发展的普通历史力量来解释，但它却被当作是圣神的超性推动力所产生的运动之一：”18简而言之，这份文件把这个时代的社会斗争变成了一种宗教现象。

This imprecise, novel and immanentist thinking fails to distinguish between the Holy Spirit and the workings of Providence that draw human events to their predestined goal, and fails to see that the Holy Spirit is the soul of the Church, but not of the human race as such. The French bishops took these guidelines of 1972 as the basis of their behavior in 1981, when they refused to make any intervention in the electoral campaign that brought a socialist and communist coalition government to power in France, having a platform that heralded the establishment of a frankly atheistic society of Marxist origin. In their document of 10 February 1981 the bishops declared their neutrality regarding all parties and said that they did “not want to influence the personal decisions of the faithful”: as if political events were a complete irrelevance, and the Church’s magisterium had no duty to form and direct people’s consciences. In a further document of 1 June 1981 the bishops profess an absolute neutrality, that is, an inability to judge the various French parties by reference to any absolute Christian standards, adducing as their reason the fact that Christians are to be found in all parts of the political spectrum. They do “not want to support any group or oppose anyone, but to draw attention to the essential values involved.” Since they see these values in all parties they cannot proscribe or prescribe anything.

这种不严谨、新奇和内在主义的思维方式没有区分圣神和将人类事件引向其预定目标的天主圣意的运作，也没有看到圣神是教会的灵魂，而不是人类本身的灵魂。法国主教将 1972 年的这些指导方针作为他们 1981 年行为的基础，当时他们拒绝对选举活动进行任何干预，而选举活动使社会主义和共产主义联合政府在法国上台执政，其政纲预示着建立一个源于马克思主义的坦率的无神论社会。在 1981 年 2 月 10 日的文件中，主教们宣布对所有党派保持中立，并说他们 “不想影响信徒的个人决定”：似乎政治事件完全无关紧要，教会的神职也没有责任培养和引导人们的良知。在1981年6月1日的另一份文件中，主教们宣称绝对中立，即不能以任何绝对的基督教标准来评判法国各政党，他们的理由是在政治光谱的各个部分都能找到基督徒的身影。他们 “并不想支持任何团体或反对任何人，而是想提醒人们注意其中的基本价值观”。既然他们在所有党派中都看到了这些价值观，所以他们就不能禁止或规定任何事情。

The unique character of communism that Divini Redemp- toris and the other papal decrees had deemed important enough to justify giving orders as to how Christians should behave towards it, is here subjected to a so-called process of reexamination and “depthing,” leading to the conclusion that at bottom the opposing Christian and communist conceptions of life have so much in common that there is room for them to recognize each other’s merits. The formula for this is des valeurs communes sont donc percues différemment selon le milieu auquel on appartient.19

Divini Redemp- toris 和其他教宗法令认为共产主义的独特性非常重要，足以证明有理由下令基督徒应如何对待共产主义，但在这里，共产主义的独特性受到了所谓的重新审视和 “去伪存真 ”的过程，从而得出结论，基督教和共产主义对立的生活理念在根本上有如此多的共同点，以至于它们有承认彼此优点的空间。其公式是：对共同价值观的认识因所属社会环境的不同而不同。19

This is an implicit denial of Catholic principle. The document robs man of his capacity to appreciate values in themselves and asserts he can only perceive them in his own manner; which in this case does not mean in accordance with the characteristics of his own psyche, but with those of his social class. Since in their view the values in question are identical, and all differences stem from the way they are perceived, the bishops are free to assert that two contradictory views of reality are merely different perceptions of the same thing. This form of subjectivism is derived from the Marxist view that perceptions spring from one’s social situation. The French bishops’ statement thus fails to recognize the differences between the natures of things. Religion is in their view not a principle, rather an interpretation and a manner of speaking. Christian truth is no longer fundamental and primary, but one interpretation of reality, destined to be reconciled with other interpretations within a confused whole which seems sometimes to be justice, and sometimes love.

这是对天主教原则的含蓄否定。该文件剥夺了人类欣赏自身价值的能力，断言人只能以自己的方式来感知价值；在这种情况下，这并不意味着符合其自身的心理特征，而是符合其社会阶层的心理特征。在他们看来，有关的价值观是相同的，所有的差异都源于对它们的认知方式，因此主教们可以自由地断言，两种相互矛盾的现实观点只是对同一事物的不同认知。这种形式的主观主义源于马克思主义的观点，即认知源于个人的社会处境。因此，法国主教的声明没有认识到事物本质之间的差异。在他们看来，宗教不是一种原则，而是一种解释和说话方式。基督教真理不再是根本和首要的，而是对现实的一种解释，注定要在一个混乱的整体中与其他解释相调和，而这个整体有时似乎是正义，有时似乎是爱。

The refusal to recognize the fundamental quality of the opposition between Christianity and Marxism separates this document from the teaching of Pius XI, who calls communism intrinsically evil. The refusal also shows that the framers of the document favor socialism, because their refusal to admit the essential perversity of communism is combined with an assertion of the intrinsic perversity of the capitalist system:20 by refusing to condemn both socialism and capitalism they part company with papal teaching which, from Rerum Novarum to Populorum Progressio, has condemned both equally.

拒绝承认基督教与马克思主义之间对立的根本性质，使这份文件与庇护十一世的教导相分离，庇护十一世称共产主义本质上是邪恶的。这种拒绝还表明，该文件的起草者倾向于社会主义，因为他们在拒绝承认共产主义本质上的悖谬性，同时又支持资本主义制度本质上的悖谬性：20通过同时拒绝谴责社会主义和资本主义，从而与庇护十一世的教导背道而驰，而教宗的教导从《新事物》到《人民进步论》都同样谴责社会主义和资本主义。

Having mistakenly found the Holy Spirit and Jesus Christ 21 in the dynamism of the working world, and having placed the socialist option on an equal footing with Christian commitment, the document proceeds to another, final, confusion stating that when the struggle of Christian communists for greater justice, fraternity and equality reaches the underlying common ground that Christians and communists share, it meets, coming from the communist side une forme réelle de contemplation et de vie missionaire.22 Marxist praxis and the class struggle thus take over even that highest place which has traditionally been allot- ted to contemplation.

该文件错误地在劳动世界的活力中发现了 “圣神和耶稣基督”21，并将社会主义的选择与基督教承诺置于同等地位，接着该文件又出现了另一种、最后一种混乱，指出当基督教共产主义者争取更大的正义的斗争、兄弟情谊和平等达到了基督徒和共产主义者所共有的基本共同点时，就会遇到来自共产主义者方面的一种特殊的默观和传教生活方式。因此，马克思主义实践和阶级斗争甚至占据了传统上分配给默观的最高位置。

16 In Documentation Catholique, 29 May 1972, coll. 471ff. “On its dialogue with Christians who have taken the socialist option.”

17 The communist movement’s being thus an effect of the Holy Spirit makes it easier to understand the introduction of Karl Marx into a Missel des dimanches (Sunday Mass booklet) promulgated by the French bishops, shortly after the council and again in 1983 in connection with the centenary of Marx’s death, where on p.139 we find a commemoration of the founder of communism on 14 March, the day of his death.

18 Sections 16-17 of the document.

19 Section 29. “Common values are thus perceived differently according to the social setting to which one belongs.”

20 Section 21

21 Section 47.

22 Section 54. “A real form of contemplation and of missionary life.”

16载于 《天主教文献》，1972 年 5 月 29 日，第471页以下: “关于其与选择社会主义路线的基督徒的对话"。

17 因此，共产主义运动是圣神的影响，这就更容易理解法国主教们在梵二后不久颁布的《主日弥撒小册子》（Missel des dimanches）中介绍了马克思。在第 139 页，我们可以看到在 3 月 14 日，即马克思逝世之日，纪念共产主义创始人。

18 文件第 16-17 节。

19 第 29 节。“因此，对共同价值观的认识因所属社会环境的不同而不同。

20 第 21 节

21 第 47 节。

22 第 54 节。“默观和传教生活的真正形式"。